By Frederick C. Millett
Non-violent activism – the practice of non-violence to emphasize direct vigorous action
in opposition to or support of a controversial issue – has been around now for over 150 years,
ever since Thoreau’s “Civil Disobedience.” Not until the last 30-40 years, though, has activism
become an integral part in our everyday lives, changing the course of history and creating
protesters and activists out of ordinary American citizens. In the 1960s and ‘70s, non-violent
activism was reborn, from Martin Luther King and the Civil Rights Movement in the South to
the protests of the Vietnam War all across the country. It is quite obvious that activism is an
important aspect of American history – even today. With protests and rallies over nuclear
weapons, pollution, globalization, and animal rights going on today, many people believe that
activism is stronger than ever – concerned with environmental and global issues, instead of just
the civil rights of one country. However, many Vietnam-era protesters believe that activism
peaked during the 1970s and that these newer generation protesters have no idea what true
activism is about. Obviously activism has changed over the years – with this nation’s change in
values and laws – but have we forgotten about the overall goal of non-violent activism? Have
we truly lost the art of protest?
Non-violent activism began with Henry David Thoreau’s “Civil Disobedience,” which was written in 1849 after Thoreau was thrown in jail for protesting the state’s poll tax during the
Mexican War. Thoreau outlines five main concepts of being an activist – most of which are still
apparent today. In the first part of his paper, Thoreau questions the type of government
established in America. He says that to be an activist means to believe that a better government
is possible – one that would command the respect of everyone under its influence – and that the
effort should be made to establish one of the like (486). He also mentions that an activist is
usually thought of as an enemy to the country – a man who is able to think with his conscience
and make moral distinctions. Heroes, patriots, and martyrs usually fall under this category and
are the most notorious activists (487). Thoreau says that unjust laws exist, and that it is the
responsibility of the activist to protest and try to abolish these laws (490). He also tells all activists and abolitionists that they should not wait for a majority in their favor to act – that they
should act immediately because only one man “more right than his neighbors constitutes a
majority of one already” (491). “For it matters not how small the beginning may seem to be:
what is once well done is done forever” (491). The last point Thoreau makes in “Civil
Disobedience” is an important one – what activists must do about the possibility of
imprisonment. Thoreau writes that he felt freer behind bars, for a moral offense, than he has ever
felt before. That he, more than anyone else, felt that he paid his tax and did not for any moment
feel confined. “Under a government which imprisons any unjustly, the true place for a just man
is also a prison” (492). This last point will be followed and displayed over a hundred years later
by an activist by the name of Martin Luther King.
In 1963, Martin Luther King was arrested for parading without a permit and consequently
was imprisoned in Birmingham Jail. What resulted was King’s now famous, Thoreauvian piece,
“Letter from Birmingham Jail.” In this letter written to Alabama clergymen, King explains why
“direct action” is needed in Alabama and what direct action consists of – which happens to be
very similar to the thoughts of Thoreau. King first outlines the four steps to any successful
nonviolent campaign: collection of facts to determine whether injustice exists, negotiation, self-
purification, and finally direct action (594). King makes it specific that direct action is only the
last step to be taken in extreme circumstances only. He then proceeds to ask the two significant
questions every nonviolent activist should ask himself: (1) “Are you able to accept blows without retaliating?” and (2) “Are you able to endure the ordeal of jail?” (595). Only with these two
questions answered can nonviolent direct action proceed in King’s opinion. Next, King goes into
detail on the purpose of direct action:
‘Why direct action? … Isn’t negotiation a better path?’ You are quite right in calling for
negotiation. Indeed, this is the very purpose of direct action. Nonviolent direct action
seeks to create such a crisis and foster such a tension that a community which has
constantly refused to negotiate is forced to confront the issue. (595)
So what King is saying is that the purpose of direct action is to create tension – which will
therefore create a necessity for negotiation. King also mentions the important difference
between just and unjust laws. “How does one determine whether a law is just or unjust? … Any
law that uplifts human personality is just. Any law that degrades human personality is unjust” (597). Any unjust law is no law at all, which gives activists the right to break such laws in order
to form a better society and government. In fact, King goes on to say,
One who breaks an unjust law must do so openly, lovingly, and with a willingness to
accept the penalty. I submit that an individual who breaks a law that conscience tells him
is unjust, and who willingly accepts the penalty of imprisonment in order to arouse the
conscience of the community over its injustice, is in reality expressing the highest respect
for law. (598)
This statement goes along almost exactly with what Thoreau had said 100 years ago, and was
one of the key aspects of nonviolent activism during the 1960s. King ends his letter with a hope
for the future – that the new generation of activists will help defeat segregation. He mentions
that at the time of his letter, college and high school students are already demonstrating
nonviolent direct action – planning sit-ins and rallies – and are already going to jail for their own
morals – anything to defeat the unjust laws of the South.
Today, laws and beliefs have changed, but activism is still an everpresent force in
American and global culture. In fact, activism still holds many similar aspects of the ‘60s,
combining them with the new principles of today. Activism today is comprised mostly of
liberal-minded idealists in their late teens and early twenties who are children of middle-class
families – much like the 1960s. The movement is once again gaining strength on college campuses and activists are taking their protests to the streets to be heard, like so many people did
during the Civil Rights Movement and Vietnam in the ‘60s and ‘70s (3). Actually, campus
activism today has tripled since the 1960s, with many more students participating in some form
of organized demonstrations or protests (1). “They are doing exactly what we were doing in the
1960s, just throw in the environment,” says David Horowitz, a ‘60s radical (3). Activism today
is very concerned with the environment and globalization – showing how activism has evolved
over the years. Activists tend to be much more idealistic and concerned with the world, instead
of just labor or civil rights in America (4). Activism today is also much more informed than
activism thirty years ago – thanks to the Internet. People today are generally more politically
astute and are not mindlessly protesting as some did years ago. They are also more aware of
where the seats of power are and are more assertive and bolder in their actions. Today, the
Internet is allowing more and more people to access information and unite globally (3). So as a
result, activism has spread to global issues that will affect everyone in the world, causing many
people to believe that activism is stronger than ever.
The similarities between Thoreau and King are very obvious, but contrast drastically to
the ideas and beliefs of activism today. Thoreau and King both explain the significance of unjust
laws and the acceptance of imprisonment to fight these laws. They both believe that unjust laws
are not laws at all and must be broken to change the nation for the better. Both also believe that
prison is the only place a just man belongs in a system of unjust laws, and that the punishment of
jail for breaking these laws is really no punishment at all. Because of these beliefs, which were
the central ideas of activism for over 100 years, many people believe that activism today has lost
its prestige and main point, because activists today don’t believe in any kind of punishment for
their actions. Traditionally, activism has been thought of as the act of breaking the law – then
accepting the punishment, which in most cases would only be minor. Activists these days are
trying to avoid even these minor punishments. Daniel Waken, writer for the New York Times,
says the following about activism today:
During the protests in 1999 at police headquarters in Manhattan over the shooting death
of Amadou Diallo, organizers arranged the arrests a day ahead. The police gave
photographers a chance before arresting the demonstrators. Vending machines provided
ice cream and chocolate bars while the arrests were processed. The quid pro quo is that
in return for police accommodation, the protesters do not resist. (6)
This new way of protest defeats the purpose of activism. “The more the law is enforced, the
better for the true civil disobedient, because that is the way you make your point,” says Yale law professor Akhil Reed Amar (6). By creating scenes and getting arrested, activists can showcase
the true injustice of the law to the whole world, while making more people aware of their cause
and gaining strength. People today have lost that aspect of civil disobedience and therefore have
caused many to believe that our generation has lost the art of protest.
Have we really lost the art of protest, though, or has activism just drastically changed
over the years? Although our cause has changed into something bigger and stronger, Thoreau
and King would have to agree that we have lost the main point of activism. King repeatedly
states that direct action is worthless if it does not create tension and that only a person who
breaks a law and willingly accepts the punishment is a true activist. For these reasons, activism
today has lost its point because activists today do not agree with punishment for protest.
Thoreau believed that the true place for a just man was jail, activists today believe the opposite.
Isn’t the goal of activism much larger than just punishment, though? I believe that there is so
much more to activism than just going to jail. Activism is about getting your word out and about fighting unjust laws. How can we fight the government if everyone is behind bars? Activism
has definitely changed over the years, in many ways for the better. We are now fighting the
world and trying to make the world a better place environmentally for the future. Although
many activists these days try to avoid punishment as much as possible, activism’s goal is much
stronger than ever, and protesters are more informed than ever. The nation’s laws and practices
have changed and with that, activism has also changed – still fighting for the rights and freedom
of all and now trying to make the world a better place.
Note: I do not necessarily agree with the conclusions the writer comes to in this piece, however I find the discussion regarding the change in activism to be very interesting. I agree with King and Thoreau, but also agree with the author in that if all the activists were behind bars it would be of little use. Maybe a balance of both ideas would be best? Applying the lessons of the past, to the knowledge of the present...
References
1.) Cowen, Tricia. “Student Activists: Still a Strong Force.” Christian Science Monitor. 27
March 2001: p.17.
2.) King, Martin Luther. “Letter From Birmingham Jail.” 16 April 1963.
3.) Miller, Sara B. “Radicalism Reborn.” Christian Science Monitor. 30 August 2001: p.11.
4.) Scherer, Rob. “Today’s Protesters Take on World.” Christian Science Monitor. 12 April
2000.
5.) Thoreau, Henry David. “On the Duty of Civil Disobedience.” 1849.
6.) Wakin, Daniel J. “Arrest Me Please (But Jail? No Thanks) Rediscovering the Price of
Protest.” New York Times: 3 June 2001.
References (1) and (2) from: Geissler, K. and K. Waltzer. Making Connections: Reading
American Cultures. Michigan State University. Fall 2000 – Spring 2001. McGraw Hill.
© 2012 Created by Kev.

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